Myanmar-Naga Political Relations & Negotiations

The Panglong Conference of 1947 marked the beginning of the process for the formation of Myanmar (formerly Burma). However, representatives of all ethnic nationalities did not attend or sign the Panglong Agreement. The agreement was signed only by representatives of four groups: the Bama/Burman (Myanma), Chin, Kachin, and Shan.

The Nagas neither participated in the conference nor were signatories to the 1947 Panglong Agreement.

The Naga areas in present-day Myanmar had no political relations with the newly independent Myanmar. The Nagas did not participate in any political processes and remained isolated / independent, maintaining no formal ties with the newly formed country.

The Tatmadaw launched counter-insurgency operations in Naga areas near the border with India against the Nagas. The Myanmar government continued to ignore Naga political aspirations, leaving many Naga villages in Myanmar underdeveloped and heavily militarized.

In 1988, after the split of National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN), the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K), led by S.S. Khaplang, established strong bases in the Sagaing Region.

No real political dialogue occurred, however, a tactical tolerance emerged between the Tatmadaw and the Nagas.

Myanmar began limited democratic reforms, and under the 2010 Constitution, the Naga Self-Administered Zone (NSAZ) was created in the Sagaing Region, encompassing Lahe, Leshi, and Nanyun. While the NSAZ granted limited local administrative powers to the Nagas, it offered no real political autonomy or formal recognition of the Naga identity as a “nation.”

In 2012, the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K) and the Myanmar government signed a bilateral ceasefire agreement outlining five points. Points 4 and 5 of the agreement stipulated that NSCN (K) members would be allowed to travel freely within Myanmar without arms during the ceasefire period and that negotiations would continue to promote peace, stability, and the development of the Naga region.

The bilateral ceasefire did not lead to substantive political negotiations, as the Myanmar government continued to control the broader political narrative. Meanwhile, the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K) further strengthened its military bases in Myanmar.

The National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K) refused to sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) with the Myanmar government, despite repeated aggression from Naypyidaw and the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Army).

The Tatmadaw, however, refused to describe the operation as an “occupation.” The National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K) stated that it had “withdrawn its troops and allowed the Myanmar Army (Tatmadaw) to occupy its headquarters in order to avoid disrupting the peace process between the NSCN-K and the Myanmar government.”

Following the military coup in February 2021, the peace process collapsed. The Tatmadaw tightened its control over ethnic regions, including the Naga Self-Administered Zone (SAZ). Naga political negotiations came to a complete halt, and the region became heavily militarized.